Rule one of Customary International Humanitarian Law (March
2005) quotes: “The parties to conflict must at all times distinguish between
civilians and combatants. Attacks may only be directed against
combatants.” A few rules down,
rule twelve, declares that indiscriminate attacks are intolerable: prohibited.
Because most international law is the product of treaties, naturally
cavities remain. These cavities
create dangerous ambiguity in how entities engage one another during armed
conflict. To curb this, customary
international humanitarian law is in place as a set of 161 rules, implied and
accepted as law by all recognized nations-states. The rules as demonstrated above, predominantly focus on the
protection of civilians and combatants during international and
non-international armed conflict.
As we all should recognize, nuclear
weapons cannot distinguish between personnel; they cannot be controlled after
firing. This was/is the primary reason for conventions against the use of
chemical weapons and cluster munitions.
The importance of customary international law is its potential to deter
and mitigate the catastrophic implications that nuclear weapons present. If
they cannot be effective in nuclear disarmament, then customary international
law has failed its purpose.
However, when we open up the newspaper and flip to a page that discusses
nuclear contentions, there is hardly if any serious discourse on the legal
ramifications that nuclear weapons present.
To briefly continue, no reasonable argument can be presented that the use of nuclear weapons during armed conflict is appropriate in time of war; clearly, using such destructible means of warfare is unfair in the “rules of war” scenario. Nonetheless, countries such as the U.S. and Russia continue to develop and maintain its nuclear power-constantly at the negotiation table discussing and setting new limits on each’s nuclear missiles, making sure that one is checking the other. Subsequently, other countries, such as a rogue Iran, attempt to follow suit in developing their own nuclear niche - although claiming its uranium enrichment program is solely for peaceful measures. If influential nations are incapable and/or unwilling to lead the rest of the global arena in dismantling their nuclear build-up, how could these same nations expect other countries to do just that?
What we need is true legal
accountability. Leaders such as
the U.S, Russia, the UK (a member of the International Criminal Court), France,
and China need to be the voices of international law. In law school, students are taught that law is only what
society makes it: taken as seriously or as lightly as we decide. If treaties and rules are to be followed,
then states/individuals need incentive to follow them. Hence, breaking a law has a mirrored
penalty-measured in degrees, depending on the offense committed. Not enough legal action is being
initiated to counter nuclear weapon development. International law makes it clear that parties must be able
to distinguish between individual civilian or combatant status when using
weapons. Hypothetically, if two
states engage in conflict, and one state uses a weapon that does not comport
with international laws governing war, ideally, that party will be held legally
accountable after the fact: crime then punishment. However, this isn’t so simple when discussing the serious
threat that the use of nuclear weapons poses. If a nuclear weapon is used there is no need for punishment
after the fact because the obliterating outcome of such an exploit would
disrupt and destroy society itself.
Thus, legal deterrence needs to emerge as one of the focal points of the
nuclear non-proliferation effort and the only way this will be actualized is if
all nations and international organizations come together and hold each other
legally accountable to International Law.
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